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MOZOM-analyse

Hungary puts pressure on president via constitution: restoration of the rule of law or new power logic?

Type: Analyse Author: Paul Giezen Published: 13 juli 2026 om 19:12 Report a correction
Realistic editorial AI visual of a Hungarian parliamentary and legal setting with a blank constitutional map and gavel, as an image of the constitutional amendment surrounding the impeachment of the president.
Source
NU.nl, Hongaarse regering, AP, Human Rights Watch, Le Monde, The Guardian en Amnesty-context
MOZOM headline
Hungary puts pressure on president via constitution: restoration of the rule of law or new power logic?
Original headline
Hungary approves constitutional amendment to impeach president
Author
Paul Giezen
Date
13 juli 2026 om 19:12
Subject
MOZOM investigates why the Hungarian constitutional amendment surrounding President Tamás Sulyok is legally more than a domestic personnel issue: it shows how restoration of the rule of law and change of power can come dangerously close to each other.

Summary of the original report

According to NU.nl and AP, the Hungarian parliament has adopted a constitutional amendment that makes it possible to remove President Sulyok from office and elect a successor within a short time. The Hungarian government consultation on the 17th constitutional amendment places this in a broader package: termination of the president's mandate, new rules regarding constitutional judges, reform of judicial administration, limitation of cardinal laws, term limits and measures regarding public assets. The official message is that institutions established under Orbán must be rebalanced. Critics of Fidesz, Human Rights Watch and other observers see another risk: the existing impeachment route with constitutional review is circumvented by amending the constitution itself.

Own source research

MOZOM has compared the news claim with the official Hungarian consultation and critical constitutional law sources. Proven: the 17th constitutional amendment is part of a broader package that affects not only the president, but also constitutional judges, judicial administration, parliamentary terms, cardinal laws and public assets. Evidence from reporting: Sulyok was elected in 2024 in the Orbán era and is seen by the new majority as a possible brake on reforms. Proven from HRW criticism: an impeachment route already existed, but the amendment opts for a constitutional route that ends the mandate itself. Probably: the EU will have little political grief about the disappearance of an Orbán-loyal blockade if it brings reforms and EU money closer. Uncertain: whether this precedent will later be used only against Orbán legacies, or more broadly against non-partisan office holders once a new majority has enough constitutional power.

Striking in this message

It is striking that the same action can be given two opposite names. 'Restoring the rule of law' sounds like repair after years of party captivity. 'Constitutional power grab' sounds like a political settlement. Both frames may contain elements of truth. The key question is procedural: is an office holder given an individual, verifiable route with a fair hearing, or is the constitution used to shorten the mandate in one political movement?

Less visible context

Less visible is that constitutional supermajorities in Hungary are a recurring power problem. Under Orbán, the constitution was often seen as an instrument to lock in political choices for a long time. The new majority wants to break that system, but is once again using the constitution to do so. This may seem temporarily necessary, but it also normalizes the idea that whoever has enough seats can rewrite the rules of the game around specific people. This is extra sensitive for small countries within the EU: European rule of law language can then simultaneously offer protection and political cover for a hard domestic change of power.

Possible message behind the news

One possible message is that Hungary is finally cleaning up the Orbán legacy. The sharper MOZOM reading is that a constitution that is used today to remove an Orbán-loyal president could also be attractive tomorrow to any majority that sees a non-partisan official as an obstacle.

Neutral conclusion

The conclusion: the Hungarian constitutional amendment is newsworthy because it lies exactly on the border between restoration and use of power. This direction can be politically advantageous for Brussels if it accelerates reforms and reduces Orbán-faithful blockages. But legally the weak point remains the same: a rule of law is not only restored by replacing the right people, but especially by using better procedures than the power that is said to correct.

Source:

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